My experience at the Tikvah IDC program – opening my mind

By Jonathan Kis-Lev

The one month spent at the Tikvah program in IDC was one of the most profound months of my life. I learnt a lot, and not only about external subjects, but also about myself. I learnt that I love learning. I learnt that I love learning from people directly. I learnt that when I am surrounded with brilliant people, their opinions can be very different than mine and I nevertheless would enjoy the conversation and the learning process. i

The Tikvah program brings together young high achievers from every alley in the Israeli society. We had ultra orthodox participants, a Druze participant, extreme left and extreme right, young men and women. All were so inspiring, devoted to their ideas and at the same time open minded. How great was it to see that! i

As an artist, I had to drop my brushes and pencils for a whole month. Say goodbye to my studio, and travel to Herzliya, where I spent a whole month, each night, excluding only the weekends, with these brilliant people. I was so honored to have been a part of the group – honestly, was not sure if I would get accepted. While most participants were to come from social studies, law, economics and other such faculties, I thought that an artist, especially an interdisciplinary one, would not be up the program's alley. i

But I was surprised to encounter such enthusiasm from the leaders of the program, Dr. Alisa Rubin Peled and Prof. Peter Berkowitz. They gave me a feeling that I was special, telling me again and again how much they liked my energy and unique, unorthodox approach. And so, I felt confident to bring myself fully to this one month brainstorming event, to figure out how we, young Israelis, can change and improve Israel as we know it. i

I constantly learnt at the program. So much so, that during the weekend I could barely read, write or communicate (luckily my girlfriend was very supportive!). I'll share with you here one small example of the intense learning experience. For me, most of the learning was not done in class, but in the breaks and free time, talking to these highly inspiring and devoted young people. i

During the last week of the program I had a long conversation with my roommate, a religious guy from a settlement in the West Bank. It was fascinating. It made me pull out some ideas that I wrote and hid in some virtual drawer in my mind long ago, ideas that I did not really respect myself. Yet those ideas do have some importance, I believe. They have to do with bringing more peace and stability to both people in the region. While I tend to stick to education as the main mean to bring about durable peace, I also know that other aspects of life can support peace, and politics, diplomacy and international agreements, though not necessarily popular in the region that have known all too many of them, can nonetheless support in bringing upon the desired essence of peace and stability. i

When I was young I believed that Israelis want peace, and most of them will even be willing to withdraw from the Territories occupied in the six days war, if they were only sure that they will receive peace in return. I grew up to believe that Israel's neighbors do not really want peace, and therefore there is no place for concessions.
I am a part of a generation whose teen years were shaped on the background of excessive violence and fear. Most of my friends do not believe that peace is attainable, and prefer dealing with day to day issues, and I do not only agree with them, but tend to do the same. i

During this talk with my roommate I realized yet again that moving people out of t a territory they call home, much like was done few years ago, in the Disengagement from the Gaza strip, cannot really bring upon peace. This, however, is quite a difficult decision, as peace seems to be dependent upon eliminating the settlements in the West Bank. I know today, on the other hand, that continuing the situation as is, will cost Israel more than we wish to acknowledge; not only the international pressure and dismay with us, but also our own decay and loss of coherency in our values. Therefore, something must change. But what? i

Relocating a mass of Jewish settlers from their homes is a political suicide to any Israeli leader. Annexing the Territories and giving some sort of citizenship to the Palestinians is a demographic suicide for the essence of the Jewish State. Trying to give them some autonomy without a true sense of Statehood will not work, as the nationalistic senses are all too great in the Arab Palestinian street. And as said before, the status quo is all too difficult to maintain, as well as unhealthy. i

That night I spoke with my roommate about the Geneva accords, which I used to be fond of. The main idea is clear, back to the 67 border, while conducting land swap so that we can annex the main large settlements. I still see truth in that initiative, yet realize that it will be more difficult to implement than I thought. i

My roommate lives in Efrat, a settlement of about 9000 people, which were not included amongst the 306,000 settlers that would remain in Israel's new borders in the Geneva accords' plans. According to this initiative, some 114 thousand settlers will be forced to leave their 110 settlements or neighborhoods. i

To be truthful, this data shocked me, as I always thought that only a fairly small amount of settlers will be forced to leave. This amount quoted in the initiative was ten times bigger than that of the Disengagement plan, which was of only 8600 people. Israel will not be able to withstand this politically and socially. I know this for sure. Not know. Not even soon. i

Yet the Palestinian people need a state. They need time, in my eyes, to rehabilitate, to heal from the painful occupation. It will only be when the Palestinian kid does not see an Israeli soldier at checkpoints on a regular basis, that he or she will be able to slowly replace hatred with a sense of coexistence. This of course will depend on a sever change in education and many encounters, positive ones, between Palestinian and Israeli kids. Yet this is the future. What's now, as far as the political solution? What's now as far as the borders? i

This is what moved me that night. My roommate and I started to speak about the separation barrier, or the wall, constructed over the past decade deep inside the West Bank. Yet it trapped many Palestinians in the Israeli side. Moreover, this line will be difficult and unacceptable as a long term agreement in the eyes of the Palestinians and the international community. i

The barrier, which is built mostly of a fence, and sometimes of a concrete wall, has not been finished yet. It is said that where it is built, it dramatically decreased the penetration of terrorists into Israel. It is said that the southern part of the barrier, that which is not yet built completely, is the source of entrance of terrorists into Israel. i

And so, we spoke about the barrier, and I surprised my friend, who saw me as a left wing peace activist, when I said that not only will Israel have to finish the construction of the barrier, but also tend to include as many settlements as possible within the western side of the barrier. i

Yet here is the trick. During this month, having my beliefs challenged again and again, I had to bring this idea out, and sharpen it. It still needs sharpening, but nonetheless, it is quite unique in its way of facing the difficulties, and in many ways uniqueness is what we need in a place where common solutions have failed time and again. i

The solution I offer is called "the buffer belt". What it means is that another barrier will be constructed, this time on the very line of the 67 border. This fence shall be a double fence, with few tens of meters in between. It will be the western border of the buffer belt. The current barrier will be the belt's eastern border. Both barriers will have international crossing points from both sides into the belt. As to the legal or international status of the belt, the bottom line is that it doesn't matter. I thought of naming it an international zone, a Palestinian's State's buffer belt, or an Israeli buffer belt. It does not really matter. What matters is its unique ability to reduce violence and friction, and by that bring almost immediate stability. i

In this buffer belt there will be few hundred thousand settlers and few hundred thousand Palestinians. The belt will be an unarmed zone, so all its inhabitants will not be allowed to carry weapons, not settlers nor Palestinians. Israelis within this belt will be able to pass freely through the international border of the western fence into Israel, while Palestinians within this belt will be granted free pass into the Palestinian State through the eastern fence known as the separation barrier. i

Few issues need to be addressed. This area shall be governed by Israelis, Palestinians and some international force. A rate of population growth will be determined, so that houses within the belt will be allowed for both the populations to be built in order to steadily support their growth. i

In this belt the international power shall be somewhat in charge, yet Israel will not have to rely on that, as we were proved in the past that Israel cannot really allow itself to do so. The crossings, of both the eastern and the western sides of the buffer belt, will be controlled by Israel. This will ensure Israel's security. i

The crossings on both sides of the belt will be what is called "sterile", meaning that the person going through the border will enter a room in which a camera and a scanner will check his or her body, and then instruct them through the speaker if there are any dangers detected of transferring arms. This will reduce the human interaction, preferably at the end with no human interaction at all, while armed representatives will be in a safe yet secluded location within these crossing compounds. Such a sterile border is used in many ways today at the Erez crossing at the Gaza strip. i

Some people claim, rightfully so, that much of the calmness in recent years is thanks to the targeted killings and arrests conducted by the IDF in Palestinian cities. Following the establishment of the buffer belt Israel will not be able to continue in doing so. My recommendation will be to intensify Israel's intelligence and penetration via secret agents to the Palestinian cities, and confront any attempts for harming Israel at its borders only. i

This solution is a temporary one. I do not think that this generation is able to reach any long term solution. Yet the good thing about this buffer belt is that it will: enable the settlers to stay in their homes; enable the Palestinians to have their own state, without IDF soldiers within its temporary borders; enable Israel to not go through a threatening political process, and enable Palestinians living within this belt to cross to the rest of Palestine fairly easily. It is temporary, as temporary can work easier than any long term ambition. Though temporary, it is designed to bring upon security to both sides. Unarmed settlers and unarmed Palestinians living within the same buffer belt will grant relative security, assuming some international task force will be present. i

This solution will not solve many other problems. Not the refugee problem, and in many ways not the Jerusalem problem, nor the Hebron problem. It can even enable shooting rockets at Israel, like is done today following the disengagement from the Gaza strip. Yet it has so many advantages: it can be carried, in most stages, only by the Israeli side without requiring Palestinian cooperation. It can be carried out with relatively low costs, especially if the finishing of the current separation barrier will be executed as a double fence only, which should be true also to the proposed western fence. As to rockets being fired, Israel can at any stage enter the Palestinian State, by means of declaring war, or intervening in a similar way to what was done with Syria's supposed nuclear plant. Yet here, unlike the Gaza strip, a Palestinian sovereign state should be able to handle and stop rocket firing from within in comparison to a non state actor in the Gaza strip. i

Following the implementation of the buffer belt, and after examining its success, another factor shall be implemented, which is a bridge between the Palestinian State at the West Bank and its wing in the Gaza strip, assuming the political situation will be one that enables it. My proposal is of a train that will connect the Gaza strip with the south of the West Bank, maybe Hebron. i

Within the Palestinian state the Palestinians will be encouraged to develop all signs of a sovereign state, including placing their flags at any corner. The size of their state will be small, yet within it they will not have IDF soldiers or any Israeli presence. The relatively small number of Palestinians living within the belt will be able to freely cross to the rest of Palestine. i

I decided to share all of this with you in order to celebrate that intense and inspiring month spent at the Tikvah program. Conversations with inspiring participants made me encouraged to develop ideas that may seem not connected to reality, yet hold some truths, and more importantly, hope. This is what I feel that I earned most at the Tikvah program, hope. Not only for the state of Israel, but for the region too. i